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Wine Economics

Optimizing Your Personal Wine Cellar

May 14, 2008, by  Karl Storchmann (Journal of Wine Economics)

According to a report in the online magazine TheStreet.Com, 90% of high-end buyers of homes in U.S. major cities consider a wine cellar a very important factor when purchasing their house. (http://www.winetrend.com/press/wt_thestreet.pdf)

The report goes on “Imagine walking your date into a cellar made entirely of limestone and hand forged wrought iron wine racks to look up through the windows of the vaulted ceiling into the water fountain above it. It can be done – for $800,000.”


Why do people have wine cellars? Certainly for many different reason.  But if you have a wine cellar for other reasons than showing it to your date every day you want to read the latest report by Gary Thompson and Steve Mutkoski of Cornell University's Center for Hospitality Research. It is entitled “Optimizing a Personal Wine Cellar.”

Essentially, the authors devised an analytical model that optimizes the utility derived from a wine cellar. This ‘Personal Wine Cellar Optimizer (PWCO)’ goes well beyond any conventional software packages that are only inventory tracking devices.

The PWCO is complex and considers many variables. The size of the wine cellar, the average wine consumption (the authors assume in their examples one bottle per day), the envisioned lifetime of the cellar, the price of wines bought and many more. I addition, the authors take into account that, up to a certain limit, most wines improve when they get older. The quality gain, however, declines the older the more mature the wine is. All these factors are combined in an Excel sheet and the outcome suggests an optimal wine inventory and drinking pattern.





The Personal Wine Cellar Optimizer (PWCO) takes the existing cellar composition as its starting point. The PWCO then builds a purchase and consumption plan that observes all the hard constraints imposed by the budget and cellar capacity. Wines are selected for purchase randomly, but purchases are biased towards better value wines (i.e., higher quality and lower costs). Wine consumption is scheduled in a way that cellar capacity is not violated, but with a preference for drinking the wine at or near its peak, as well as spreading the consumption over time.

Of course, many applications outside of private cellars are possible. Gary Thompson and Steve Mutkoski are already working on restaurant versions.

The report is downloadable at http://www.hotelschool.cornell.edu/research/chr/pubs/reports/abstract-14724.html

You have to log in but it is free (and worthwhile)



Grubbing Up

May 9, 2008, by Michael Veseth (University of Puget Sound and The Wine Economist)

Grubbing up is one of my favorite wine economics terms. It means to pull the vines up by the roots and replace them with other agricultural crops. I It is a harsh term, just as it sounds, because it is the opposite of wine — it is anti-wine. Grubbing up isn’t something that a wine lover contemplates with ease, but sometimes it is necessary. The European Union’s Council of Ministers has recently finalized a grubbing up scheme for the EU and it is probably a good idea, even if it may not work.

Watering Down the Wine Lake

The problem is that EU wine production vastly exceeds demand with the result that thousands of liters of wine must be bought up by the EU each year and distilled into alcohol to prevent prices from dropping through the floor. The distillation price support only encourages continued production, waste and expense. It is a mess — a wine lake, as people say — and it has to stop.

A fairly radical plan was introduced a few years ago, one that would have paid farmers to grub up thousands of hectare of vines and introduced market reforms to allow (by deregulating) and to encourage (through supporting programs) European winegrowers to compete more effectively with New World winemakers who are taking their markets.

The package that the Council of Ministers agreed last week is significant even if it is less radical than the original initiative (Decanter magazine called it “watered-down” — never a good thing when you are talking about wine). The program called for subsidies to encourage winegrowers to eliminate up to 175,000 hectares of vines (versus 400,000 hectares in the original proposal), limit chaptalisation (the addition of sugar in the wine-making process) rather than eliminating it, and market-based reforms that encourage and enable winegrowers to compete on world makets (through varietal labeling of wines) rather than hide behind protective barriers.

I’ve been reading up on the details of the final EU plan and it is pretty interesting — the best analysis I’ve seen so far comes from the USDA Global Agriculture Information Network, which you can download in .pdf form at this California Wine Export Program website. The program includes money for grubbing up, of course, and deregulation of wine labels, removal of some vine planting restrictions (so marketable grape varieties can replace uneconomic grubbed up varietals), funds for wine promotion abroad, and so forth. Like any EU program, it is a complicated balance of economic reality, fiscal feasibility and political necessity.

The idea is to help the European wine industry transition to a new market environment, where export markets are growing, domestic markets shrinking and competition is fierce. It is not unreasonable to think that policies like this could work. They worked in New Zealand in the 1980s, for example.

Lessons from Kiwi Wine History

New Zealand today is famous as one of the great success stories in the world wine market. A small nation in an unlikely location, it punches above its weight in the global wine market, holding the title as champion exporter. Not in quantity, obviously, but in price. New Zealand has the highest average export price of any wine producing country.

But such was not the case 25 years ago. New Zealand suffered from a surplus of mediocre wine that could only be sold domestically behind high protective barriers. The industry collapsed with many failed firms from a combination of bad wine and surplus production. The government paid to grub up vines and then opened the market to international competition. Cheap but better wines from Australia flooded in to fill the domestic bulk wine market, leaving New Zealand producers only one choice — make better wine for export. They have done so brilliantly. Their success inspires the EU reforms.

It would be a mistake to think that what worked so well in New Zealand in the 1980s will work equally well in Europe today. It is unlikely that the EU would be willing to let its wine sector reach the sort of crisis that New Zealand experienced and that motivated the dramatic reforms implemented there. If big change comes from big crisis, as I believe (I wrote a book on this theme), then Europe is unlikely to see big change. The social cost of crisis is just too great. The guiding principle of EU policy is to prevent crisis, which makes change that much harder to effect.

Comparing New Zealand to Europe is problematic in other ways, too. New Zealand’s wine production is tiny — a drop in the bucket, really — whereas European producers account for well more than half of all the wine in the world. New Zealand’s grubbing up program may have been difficult, but only 1500 hectares were uprooted rather than the “watered-down” 175,000 set for the EU.

Changing the Rules of the Game

The principle of the EU wine reform scheme is sound, yet many reports that I have read are pessimistic. I think this is mainly because the final reforms are so much more timid that the initial proposal. But there are other reasons for concern.

One thing that economists have learned over the past 25 years is that institutions matter. This is another way of saying that economic forces do not always produce the same results. If the “rules of the game” are different the laws of economics will produce different results. Institutions are the rules of the game in life. Dani Rodrik, my favorite development economist, makes this point in his recent book One Economics, Many Recipes. The nature of local institutions, public and private, formal and informal, shapes the economic landscape in important ways.

This idea applies to the EU reforms in particular. Take the grubbing up scheme, for example. An incentive to repurpose large but unprofitable vineyards in Australia, for example, might well meet with an enthusiastic response because the institutions of wine growing there are different, with large vineyards and a consolidated industry. But European vineyards are much different and represent a completely different model.

Many vineyards (where much of the inferior surplus wine originates) are tiny inherited plots of a hectare or so, frequently on sites with few viable alternative uses. The rules of the game here are much different. A hectare might produce 20-30 tons if badly overcropped and, at perhaps $500 per ton at the local cooperative, gross revenues are too small for a family to live on but too great (compared to alternative uses) to give up. It’s an institutional trap that might be solved by consolidation, but making large vineyards out of these scattered small plots is necessarily costly and difficult.

Under these circumstances growers are likely to hang on to their vines for years rather than accept a modest one-time payment. Grubbing up might need to be forced, not voluntary, to have much effect.

New regulations to allow wines to be labeled according to grape variety (rather than the traditional local geographic designation) might be attractive to a large and distinctly commercial wine producer, but much wine in Europe is still produced by cooperatives that have little to distinguish their wines from others apart form the local designation. What advantage would they have as simple varietals in a world awash with good varietal wine?

A Certain Vision of Wine

It is possible to envision a future where the reforms can work, where the marginal vineyards have gone out of production, where consolidation has increased efficiency and where branded varietals can compete with the world market. (I have even seen some early attempts at EU branded varietals in the discount bins of a local store — more about this in a future posting.) I think it is possible that this vision may be realized — eventually.

But oh, it is such a big jump. The institituions of the small family vineyard and the local wine cooperative seem to me to make these reforms much more difficult. New Zealand’s success will be difficult to repeat.



AAWE Papers in Portland: Vineyard Planting Rights in Europe

May 3, 2008, by  Karl Storchmann (Journal of Wine Economics)

The American Association of Wine Economists (AAWE) will hold its Second Annual Meeting from August 14 to 16, 2008, in Portland, Oregon. Two weeks ago our “Call for Papers” expired. Since then we have been working on an overwhelming amount of submissions and we accepted a total of 62 of them.

We will have wine economics papers related to the environment, biodynamics, marketing, finance, direct shipments, political economy, tastings and many more.  Wine appears to be a topic that can be looked at from many directions. Today and in the following blogs I want to present some abstracts that fascinated me the most.

 
I am intrigued by the topic “wine and climate change.”  We all know that global warming will produce winners and losers. In the European wine world, the winners are in the north (e.g., Germany) while the losers are in the south (e.g., Spain). It is not likely that global warming will have any negative impact on overall wine production or quality. Rather, the likely scenario is that professional viticulture slowly moves north. In fact, we already see vineyards as far north as Denmark. Sure, the northward shift would cause some adjustment cost when wheat fields will be replaced with vines (in the north) or vineyards turned into date groves or golf courses in the south. But the slower the climatic change progresses the lower these additional costs will be.  In an extreme case the new plantings may not cause any additional costs; vineyards need to be replanted every 30-50 years anyway. Certainly, the regional distribution of land values will change. Since at current prices grapes are more precious than wheat the north will win, whereas the south will lose. But will overall income or welfare change? Why should it?

But, in Europe, there is one problem. You cannot plant a vineyard wherever you want. In order to “stabilize” wine prices the European Union has regulated the wine market and imposes strict limitations on new plantings. In the context of global warming, this may seriously restrict the market’s ability to adjust and can impose enormous cost on consumers and producers. This is where Luigi Galetto’s (University of Padua, Italy) paper “The Market of Vineyard Planting Rights” comes into play. He investigates the market for vineyard planting right in the European Union. Here is the abstract:

 “Within the European Union (EU) long-term control of wine supply has been pursued since the Eighties by mean of the tool of planting rights. This means that who wants to plant a new vineyard or replace an old one with a new one needs to own the planting rights corresponding to the amount of the surface he intends to invest with wine grapes. Likewise, for production quotas the aim of this tool is to constrain production but indirectly, i.e. by managing the main input: the vineyard. Moreover, similarly to a market of quotas a market of vineyard plant rights has been made possible within the EU.

However while the market of production quotas has received significant attention in the economic literature, very few studies have been interested on the market of vineyard planting rights. In order to fill this gap, the following paper is a first attempt to describe the theoretical framework of this market.

A brief discussion on the notion of vineyard planting right, its economic value and its transferability within the context of the EU agricultural legislation introduce the theoretical analysis, which is carried on through the following steps:

a) Analytical and graphical identification of the demand and supply curves of planting rights at the farm level;

b) Description of the planting rights trade between two farms, focusing on the advantage generated by the exchange in term of surplus for both the buyer and the seller;

c) Analytical and graphical identification of the aggregate demand and supply curves of planting rights;

d) Dynamic aspects: review of the main factors which can affect the equilibrium in the vineyard planting right market, including some policy interventions like a planting right buyback program (already applied in the EU) and the phasing out of the prohibition to plant new vineyards (as it is stated by EU wine market reform, recently enacted).”
 



They Always Buy the Ten Cent Wine

Ernest and Julio Gallo built their business in the years after the repeal of Prohibition according to a strict division of labor: Julio made the wines and Ernest sold them. I don’t know if Ernest Gallo really appreciated the spiritual element of wine, but he did know that selling wine is not just about selling what is in the bottle. Selling wine, like selling anything else, is also about selling image, mystique or terroir.

The story is told of a sales call that Ernest Gallo made to a New York customer in the dark days of the depression. He offered sample glasses of two red wines - one costing five cents per bottle and the other ten cents. The buyer tasted both and pronounced, “I’ll take the ten-cent one.” The wine in the two glasses was exactly the same. Clearly, the customer wanted to buy an identity - the image of someone who wouldn’t drink that five-cent rotgut- even if he couldn’t actually taste the difference.

They always buy the ten cent wine, Ernest Gallo said.

I wonder how much things have changed since the days when Ernest Gallo made his calls? Two recent studies provoke this question.

Price and Taste

The first, which has been widely reported, is a study that was published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences that showed that test subjects displayed the Ernest Gallo effect. Their ratings of wines changed when they were given price information — even bogus price information. Identical wines received different ratings depending upon price information provided. “Expensive” wines, naturally, were rated higher than their inexpensive twins.

A second study, just released by the American Association of Wine Economists, answers the question Do more expensive wines taste better? The answer, based on a large sample of blind tastings, is that there is no correlation between price and wine evaluation (or perhaps a modestly negative one). This will be no surprise to readers of wine publications like Wine Spectator. Sure, the top wines are usually expensive, but there are also a lot of costly wines that get low ratings.

These findings will give bring great satisfaction to my friend and part-time research assistant Michael Morrell, who prides himself on drinking cheap wines, trusting his own tastes not ratings or price “signals” of quality. Michael would buy the five cent bottle every time.

But ask any wine distributor or retailer and you will find that price is the critical factor in retail wine sales. Although wine enthusiasts like to think of themselves in complicated ways — favoring red versus wine, old world versus new world, merlot versus pinot noir, fruit bomb versus barrique reserve — the dirty little secret of wine retailing is that price is the key to most wine buying decisions. When push comes to shove, buyers are really looking for an $8 wine or a $10 wine and and make their purchases within a relatively narrow price range, regardless of other factors.

Evidence from the Wine Aisle

The wine aisle in your grocery store is probably organized this way. Yes, I know there is a California section and an Import section and even a jug/box wine spot, but look within each wine display and you’ll see the clear price stratification effect. The wines you have come to buy are probably on the shelf just below your natural eye level, so that you cannot help but see those special occasion wines just above them (and the higher priced wines above them on the top shelf). Cheaper wines are down below, near the floor, so that you have to stoop down to choose them.

The physical act of taking the wine from the shelf mirrors the psychological choice you make — reach up for better (more expensive) wines, stoop down for the cheaper products. The principle will be the same in upscale supermarkets and discount stores but the choices (what price wine will be at the bottom, middle and top) will differ as you might expect.

Studies suggest that people establish a wine price comfort zone (and corresponding wine shelf) and stay there, moving up a rank for special occasions and down a shelf for parties and other higher-volume purchases. A lot of factors drive this behavior, including fear. I have some $8 wine friends who are afraid to start drinking $12 wines for fear that they will be able to taste the difference — and have to upgrade their wine budgets.

One local supermarket has taken this principle to its logical extreme. It is a discount store that counts a lot of immigrants and retired people among its customers. The wine aisle is not organized as you might expect — by country of origin or wine varietal. It’s logic is simple and clear. This rack has wines that cost $3 and less. The next rack has $3 - $5 wines. And so on up to the $15+ wine rack. Large signs efficiently guide buyers directly to their target zone. Do they sell a lot of wine? You bet they do!

The relationship between the price of wine and our evaluation of it is complex. These recent studies indicate that we shouldn’t let price information influence our decisions, but marketing experience shows that most of us do.

Wine, Rice and Drought in Australia

April 19, 2008, by Michael Veseth (University of Puget Sound and The Wine Economist


The effects of Australia’s continuing drought on the wine industry are well known; I wrote about drought and other problems that Australian winemakers now confront last September in a post titled Big Trouble Down Under. An article on the front page of yesterday’s New York Times explains how the crisis is deepening and evolving in frightening ways.

The Global Food Crisis

The article is part of a series on the global food crisis. If you haven’t been paying attention, food supplies around the world are drying up (both literally and figuratively), causing chaos in many places. Food riots are reported in the press almost every day. The crisis has many causes. Drought and climate change have reduced supplies in some areas, for example. Increasing demand is part of the problem, too, especially in China where, rising incomes have encouraged greater consumption of pork, which in turn increases the demand for grain. Rich countries like the U.S. are not helping the situation. Our biofuel policies divert food to the gas pump. All these factors push up food prices and the poorest people are the most affected.

As prices rise and surplus supplies shrink, food-exporting countries have begun to impose export taxes or even export bans in an attempt to keep domestic supplies plentiful and relatively cheap. The effect, of course, is to drive international prices even higher and “beggar they neighbor.” The price of rice rose by 40 percent in a single day last week as these export controls kicked in.

The Rice-Wine Connection

What part does wine play in this problem? Australia was until recently a major exporter of rice, but rice is an especially water-intensive crop and the continuing drought in Oz has dramatically limited production there. The Australian drought is a key part of the global rice shortage story. Wine production, however, makes the problem worse.

As the New York Times explains, winegrape production uses much less water than rice and so, as irrigation costs have soared, farmers have shifted production from rice to grapes. The graphic above shows the economic reality of the situation. Even at today’s crisis price of $1000 per ton for rice, higher water costs make winegrapes the more profitable crop. So while drought has reduced production of both grapes and rice, the substitution effect has reduced the impact on grapes and made the crisis in rice even worse.

Many authors suggest that what we are seeing here is part of an important transformation in the global economy. Globalization linked up producers and consumers at the far ends of the earth in the 1990s and produced a world of abundance and falling prices. The growth this helped produced (plus the associated environmental effects, according to some) are now combining to turn surplus into shortage. It is easy to see this in rice, but it is true in wine as well, as I argued in my post on The End of Cheap Wine. Protectionist policies conspire to raise the problem to crisis level for those who are least able to deal with it.



Fake Cabernet

Is your cabernet a fake?

Wine is the latest target for counterfeiters, so technology companies like Kodak and Hewlett-Packard are getting into the act to put a pedigree on your pinot.

By Elizabeth Strott

In vino veritas, so the old Latin adage goes.

Click here for information (and a video) on the latest technology to detect wine fraud.



Wine by the Numbers

April 13, 2008, by Michael Veseth (University of Puget Sound and The Wine Economist


Rating the Wine Rating Systems

People turn to wine critics to tell them what’s really inside that expensive bottle (or that cheap one) and how various wines compare. Some critics are famous for their detailed wine tasting notes (Michael Broadbent comes to mind here) that provide comprehensive qualitative evaluation of wines, but with so many choices in today’s global market it is almost inevitable that quantitative rating scales would evolve. They simplify wine evaluation, which is what many consumers are looking for, but they have complicated matters, too, because there is no single accepted system to provide the rankings.

I’m interested in the variety of wine rating systems and scales that wine critics employ and the controversies that surround them. This blog entry is a intended to be a brief guide for the perplexed, an analysis of the practical and theoretical difficulties of making and using wine ranking systems.

Wine Rating Scales: 100-points, 20-points, Three Glasses and More

winescales.jpgThe first problem is that different wine critic publications use different techniques to evaluate wine and different rating scales to compare them. Click on this image to see a useful comparison of wine rating systems compiled by De Long Wine (click here to download the pdf version, which is easier to read).

Robert Parker’s Wine Advocate, the Wine Spectator and Wine Enthusiast all use a 100-point rating scale, although the qualitative meanings associated with the numbers are not exactly the same. It is perhaps not an accident that these are all American publications and that American wine readers are familiar with 100-point ratings from their high school and college classes.

In theory a 100-point system allows wine critics to be very precise in their relative ratings (a 85-point syrah really is better than an 84-point syrah) although in practice many consumers may not be able to appreciate the distinction. Significantly, it is not really a 100-point scale since 50 points is functionally the lowest grade and it is rare to see wines rated for scores lower than 70, so the scale is not really as precise as it might seem. ( Any professor or teacher will tell you, there has been both grade inflation and grade compression in recent years and this applies to wine critics too, I believe.)

The 100-point scale is far from universal. The enologists at the University of California at Davis use a 20-point rating scale, as does British wine critic Jancis Robinson and Decanter, the leading global wine magazine. The 20-point scale actually corresponds to how students are graded in French high schools and universities, so perhaps that says something about its origins.

The Davis 20-point scale gives up to 4 points for appearance, 6 points for smell, 8 points for taste and 2 for overall harmony, according to my copy of The Taste of Wine by Emile Peynaud. The Office International du Vin’s 20-point scale has different relative weights for wine qualities; it awards 4 points for appearance, 4 for smell and 12 for taste. Oz Clark’s 20 point system assigns 2, 6 and 12 points for look, smell and taste. It’s easy to understand how the same wine can receive different scores when different critics used different criteria and different weights.

A 20-point scale (which is often really a 10-point scale) offers less precision in relative rankings, since only whole and half point ratings are available, but this may be appropriate depending upon how the ratings are to be used. Wines rated 85, 86 and 87 on a 100-point scale, for example, might all receive scores of about 16 on a 20 point scale. It’s up to you to decide if the finer evaluative grid provides useful information.

Decanter uses both a 20-point scale and as well as simple guide of zero to five stars to rate wines, where one star is “acceptable”, two is quite good, three is recommended, four is highly recommended and five is, well I suppose an American would say awesome, but the British are more reserved. Dorothy J. Gaiter and John Brecher (who write an influential wine column for the Wall Street Journal) also use a five point system; they rates wines from OK to Good, Very Good, Delicious and Delicious(!).

The five point system allows for less precision but it is still very useful - it is the system commonly used to rate hotels and resorts, for example. ViniD’Italia, the Italian wine guide published by Gambero Rosso, uses a three-glasses scale that will be familiar to European consumers who use the Michelin Guide’s three-star scale to rate restaurants.

Which System is Best?

It is natural to think that the best system is the one that provides the most information, so a 100-point scale must be best, but I’m not sure that’s true. Emile Peynaud makes the point that how you go about tasting and evaluating wine is different depending upon your purpose. Critical wine evaluation to uncover the flaws in wine (to advise a winemaker, for example) is different in his book from commercial tasting (as the basis for ordering wine for a restaurant or wine distributor or perhaps buying wine as an investment) which is different consumer tasting to see what you like.

Many will disagree, but it seems to me that the simple three or five stars/glasses/points systems are probably adequate for consumer tasting use while the 20- and 100-point scales are better suited for commercial purposes. I’m not sure that numbers or stars are useful at all for critical wine evaluation - for that you need Broadbent’s detailed qualitative notes. Wine critic publications often try to serve all three of these markets, which may explain why they use the most detailed systems or use a dual system like Decanter.

In any case, however, it seems to me that greater transparency would be useful. First, it is important that the criteria and weights are highlighted and not buried in footnotes. And I don’t see why a 20-point rating couldn’t be disaggregated like this: 15 (3/6/6) for a 20-point system that gives up to 4 points for appearance, 6 for smell and 10 for taste. That would tell me quickly how this wine differs from a 15 (4/3/8). Depending upon how much I value aroma in a wine and what type of wine it is, I might prefer the first “15″ wine to the second.

Wine and Figure Skating?

So far I’ve focused on the practical problems associated with having different evaluation scales with different weights for different purposes, but there are even more serious difficulties in wine rating scales. In economics we learn that numerical measures are either cardinal or ordinal. Cardinal measures have constant units of measurment that can be compared and manipulated mathematically with ease. Weight (measured by a scale) and length (measured in feet or meters) are cardinal measures. Every kilogram or kilometer is the same.

Ordinal measures are different - they provide only a rank ordering. If I asked you to rate three wines from your most preferred to your least favorite, for example, that would be an ordinal ranking. You and I might agree about the order (rating wines A over C over B, for example), but we might disagree about how much better A was compared to C. I might think it was a little better, but for you the difference could be profound.

To use a familiar example from sports, they give the Olympic gold medal in the long jump based upon a cardinal measure of performance (length of jump) and they give the gold medal in figure skating based upon ordinal judges’ scores, which are relative not absolute measures of performance (in the U.S. they actually call the judges’ scores “ordinals”). Figure skating ratings are controversial for the same reason wine scores are.

So what kind of judgment do we make when we taste wine — do we evaluate against an absolute standard like in the long jump or a relative one like the figure skating judges? The answer is both, but in different proportions. An expert taster will have an exact idea of what a wine should be and can rate accordingly, but you and I might only be able to rank order different wines, since our abilities to make absolute judgements aren’t well developed.

This is one reason why multi-wine social blind tasting parties almost always produce unexpected winners or favorites. The wines we like better [relative] are not always the ones we like best [absolute] when evaluated on their own.

Ordinal and cardinal are just different, like apples and oranges (or Pinot Gris and Chardonnay). Imagine what the long jump would look like if ordinal “style points” were awarded? Imagine what figure skating would look like if the jumps and throws were rated by cardinal measures distance and hang time? No, it wouldn’t be a pretty sight.

Economists are taught that it is a mistake to treat ordinal rankings as if they are cardinal rankings, but that’s what I think we wine folks do sometimes. I’ve read than Jancis Robinson, who studied Mathematics at Oxford, isn’t entirely comfortable with numeric wine ratings. Perhaps it is because she appreciates this methodological difficulty.

Lessons of the Judgment of Paris

paris2.jpgOr maybe she’s just smart. Smart enough to know that your 18-point wine may be my 14-pointer. It’s clear that people approach wine with different tastes, tasting skills, expectations and even different taste buds, so relative rankings by one person need not be shared by others. This is true of even professional tasters, as the Judgment of Paris made clear.

The Judgment of Paris (the topic of a great book by George M. Taber - see below - and two questionable forthcoming films) was a 1976 blind tasting of French versus American wines organized (in Paris, of course) by Steven Spurrier. It became famous because a panel of French wine experts found to their surprise that American wines were as good as or even better than prestigious wines from French.

A recent article by Dennis Lindley (professor emeritus at University College London - see below) casts doubt on this conclusion, however. Read the article for the full analysis, but for now just click on the image above to see the actual scores of the 11 judges. It doesn’t take much effort to see that these experts disagreed as much as they agreed about the quality of the wines they tasted. The 1971 Mayacamas Cabernet, for example, received scores as low as 3 and 5 on a 20-point scale along with ratings as high as 12, 13 and 14. It was simultaneous undrinkable (according to a famous sommelier) and pretty darn good (according to the owner of a famous wine property). If the experts don’t agree with each other, what is the chance that you will agree with them?

Does this mean that wine critics and their rating systems are useless and should disappear? Not likely. Wine ratings are useful to consumers, who face an enormous range of choices and desperately need information, even if it is practically problematic and theoretically suspect. Wine ratings are useful commercially, too. Winemakers need to find ways to reduce consumer uncertainty and therefore increase sales and wine ratings serve that purpose.

And then, of course, there is the wine critic industry itself, which knows that ratings sell magazines and drive advertising. Wine ratings are here to stay. We just need to understand them better and use them more effectively.

References:

Dennis V. Lindley, “Analysis of a Wine Tasting.” Journal of Wine Economics 1:1 (May 2006) 33-41.

George M. Taber, Judgment of Paris: California vs. France and the History 1976 Paris Tasting that Revolutionized Wine. Scribner, 2005.



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